THE CURTAIN FALLS ON THE PRESS AND PRESIDENCY RELATIONSHIP—BARROW GOES BERSERK – LamToro News

For 25 years, The Daily Observer stood resilient, weathering storms that may have sunk even the mightiest newspapers in locations like imperial Russia, the place the Tsarist regime shut down publications with brutal regularity, or in revolutionary France, the place pamphleteers had been imprisoned for daring to criticize the state. Much like these within the early days of Fleet Street or the clandestine newspapers of Weimar Germany, The Daily Observer fought on, publishing in an surroundings the place the very act of reporting may invite retribution. Its pages, just like the defiant underground presses of Franco’s Spain or apartheid-era South Africa, held inside them the heartbeat of resistance, a reality too daring to be silenced. And but, regardless of the fixed menace of state retaliation, the paper endured, standing as an emblem of defiance and a tribute to the resilience of the press.

For the journalists who labored at The Daily Observer, particularly through the darkest years of Yahya Jammeh’s brutal dictatorship, the battle free of charge speech was not only a metaphor—it was a life-and-death battle. Editors and reporters weren’t merely censored—they had been pursued, arrested, tortured, and deported with the ruthless effectivity of a state decided to suppress each dissenting voice. Jammeh, very similar to Stalin’s NKVD or Pinochet’s secret police, led a campaign in opposition to the press, rounding up overseas journalists just like the illustrious Sule Musa, deporting them as in the event that they had been harmful revolutionaries. And when expelling overseas correspondents didn’t quench his thirst for management, Jammeh turned his sights on Gambian-born journalists. Baba Galleh Jallow, a son of Farafenni and as soon as the top boy at Gambia High School, narrowly escaped deportation after being mistaken for a foreigner in a farcical episode of state paranoia. It was the absurdity of despotism at its best—the place even your nationality could possibly be questioned by the regime in its frenzy to manage the narrative.

Inside The Observer’s newsroom, the ambiance was charged with the stress of a conflict zone, the place the easy act of reporting grew to become a subversive strike in opposition to the iron fist of the state. Journalists operated below the fixed menace of raids, arrests, and state-sponsored intimidation. Yet, just like the muckrakers of early Twentieth-century America or the daring writers of samizdat publications in Soviet Russia, the journalists at The Daily Observer remained unbowed. They had seen the worst the regime may throw at them, from secret police interrogations to the shuttering of their places of work. So, when Barrow’s administration took over, many seasoned reporters thought it was simply one other spherical of political theater—a brand new regime flexing its muscle groups. After all, that they had outlasted Jammeh—what may Barrow’s authorities probably do this they hadn’t already survived?

But Barrow’s techniques had been subtler, much less overt, however no much less efficient. This wasn’t the period of secret police and midnight knocks on the door. Instead, Barrow’s administration wielded the weapons of economic suffocation and bureaucratic strangulation with the precision of a seasoned autocrat. The assault wasn’t about arrests or disappearances—it was about tax payments, regulatory fines, and authorized notices. What Jammeh couldn’t obtain by way of drive, Barrow sought to perform by way of paperwork and monetary wreck. Like the quietly insidious authorized warfare waged by Nixon’s administration in opposition to the Washington Post through the Watergate scandal, Barrow’s authorities used forms to strangle The Observer out of existence with out ever firing a shot.

For the battle-worn journalists, this was a brand new type of conflict. It wasn’t fought within the streets or with megaphones—it was a conflict waged behind the closed doorways of administrative places of work, the place ledgers and tax codes changed handcuffs and riot police. So, what had began as a hopeful new daybreak for democracy below Barrow shortly morphed into one other chapter of press repression, this time cloaked within the well mannered language of fiscal duty and legalistic process. The struggle for The Daily Observer was removed from over, however the battlefield had modified, and the enemy now wore the face of bureaucratic effectivity quite than navy dictatorship.

The fall of The Daily Observer was a watershed second in Gambian media, marking a profound shift within the dynamics of the press. Founded in 1992 by the esteemed Liberian journalist Kenneth Best, the paper had lengthy stood as a torchlight of fearless journalism, exposing corruption and talking reality to energy with the type of boldness that solely the actually unbiased can afford. But the tide started to show in 1999 when Kenneth Best offered The Observer to Amadou Samba, a businessman firmly ensconced in Jammeh’s interior circle. Much like Hearst’s buy of main newspapers within the early Twentieth century, this wasn’t merely a enterprise deal—it was the start of the top for the paper’s editorial independence.

The shadow of Jammeh shortly unfold over the once-independent Observer, reworking it from a vibrant, crucial voice into little greater than a mouthpiece for the regime. Journalists who had constructed their reputations on integrity and braveness—folks like Baba Galleh Jallow, Demba Ali Jawo, Alieu Badara Sowe and Pa Nderry Mbai—had been swiftly dismissed in a purge that despatched shockwaves by way of the media panorama. The newsroom that had as soon as been a bastion of press freedom grew to become a state-controlled megaphone, with each phrase scrutinized and sanitized by the regime’s ever-watchful eye. Like the nice purges of crucial voices in Weimar Germany, The Observer’s transformation was swift and devastating.

Despite its fall from grace, The Daily Observer remained a serious participant in Gambian media. But when Yahya Jammeh was lastly ousted, the paper’s destiny was sealed, very similar to a Greek tragedy the place the hero’s downfall is sealed by the lack of divine favor. No longer shielded by the regime it had as soon as supported, The Observer grew to become susceptible to the identical techniques it had helped implement. In June 2017, the Gambia Revenue Authority closed the paper’s doorways, citing an unpaid tax invoice of 17 million dalasis. But few believed the official story. Much just like the closure of The Times below Margaret Thatcher’s authorities through the Wapping dispute, this was about energy, not cash. The demand for a direct 30% settlement of the invoice was monetary warfare, designed to make sure the paper’s demise.

On June 14, 2017, The Daily Observer was shuttered, its places of work sealed, and a whole lot of staff left with out jobs. The administration’s provide to settle the debt over twenty years was rejected out of hand, a transparent signal that the closure had nothing to do with taxes and the whole lot to do with silencing a possible menace to the brand new political order. The techniques had been new, however the consequence was the identical—The Observer, as soon as the titan of Gambian journalism, was no extra.

What was maybe most unsettling was the silence from the remainder of the media. The Gambian Press Union issued a light assertion, however there was no collective outcry, no present of solidarity. Some media retailers even noticed The Observer’s demise as a chance to develop their very own affect—a short-sighted transfer that ignored the broader implications of the federal government’s actions. Like the fracturing of Fleet Street when The News of the World fell in scandal, the Gambian media didn’t see that the autumn of 1 paper weakened the complete ecosystem.

The ripple impact was fast. Journalists throughout the nation took word: if The Daily Observer may fall, none of them had been secure. Self-censorship unfold like wildfire, as media retailers already depending on authorities promoting income grew much more cautious. Where as soon as daring reporting had been the hallmark of Gambian journalism, warning and timidity now dominated the day. The closure of The Observer was a stark reminder that even in a post-Jammeh Gambia, press freedom was fragile, and the federal government’s grip on the media was removed from loosened.

More troubling was how the paper was not solely betrayed by its sister newspapers, however by its personal little kids—the journalists who as soon as labored there, constructed their careers, and established their fortunes. These journalists, who owed a lot of their success to the crucible that was The Daily Observer, turned a blind eye and maintained tight lips because the mighty paper was delivered to its knees. It was as if the closure of this media large was an act of divine will, when in actual fact, it was the results of human neglect.

The closure of The Daily Observer wasn’t simply the top of a newspaper—it was the start of a brand new period of media monopolization. Fewer retailers now managed the narrative, and the range of thought that had as soon as outlined the press started to shrink. Other publications might have celebrated their elevated market share, however they didn’t see the larger image: the elimination of The Observer weakened the complete press panorama. The media grew to become ripe for manipulation, because the remaining retailers confronted the identical monetary and political pressures that had led to The Observer’s demise.

Long earlier than the Gambian authorities even entertained the considered establishing a college of journalism, The Daily Observer had already cemented its place because the veritable cathedral of Gambian journalism, functioning as a de facto academy for journalists. It wasn’t merely a newsroom—it was a classroom, shaping the subsequent era of journalists, writers, and students with hands-on expertise and mentorship. The newsroom, helmed by seasoned editors who doubled as mentors, welcomed not solely educated journalists but additionally aspiring writers—college students with a ardour for the written phrase. It was a sanctuary for the curious, the daring, and the stressed—a spot the place the spark of inquiry was nurtured and reworked into the hearth of journalism.

Young abilities like Baboucarr Ann, Rohey Samba,  Bamba Khan, Bankole Thompson, Sheriff Bojang Jr., and Simon Peter Mendy all began writing for The Observer whereas they had been nonetheless in highschool or center faculty. And not like in the present day’s internship fashions, which frequently exploit younger expertise free of charge, The Observer paid its contributors handsomely, recognizing that good journalism deserves good compensation. The paper, like the nice publications of Victorian England, understood that fostering expertise was not solely about alternative but additionally about equity.

This paper was the bedrock upon which lots of in the present day’s distinguished media figures constructed their careers. Momodou Musa Touray, now the writer of Gambiana; Sheriff Bojang, the writer of The Standard; Assan Sallah, the writer of LamToro News; and Bankole Thompson, the writer of The PuLSE Institute, a Detroit-based, unbiased non-partisan assume tank—all of them are merchandise of The Daily Observer. Today, these males now maintain the levers of energy in Gambian and worldwide media, persevering with the custom of journalism they honed at The Observer. Their rise to prominence within the media panorama speaks volumes concerning the coaching and alternatives The Observer offered to younger journalists, providing them a platform from which they may develop into trade leaders.

Beyond the media realm, the impression of The Daily Observer has reverberated throughout many sectors of Gambian society. Countless former staffers of the paper are actually making waves in a variety of fields, from politics to academia, legislation, and public service. Take, for instance, Yankuba Darboe, the present Chairman of the Brikama Area Council, whose time at The Observer sharpened his abilities in public communication and administration. His rise in native authorities is a mirrored image of the far-reaching affect the paper had in shaping minds able to main and influencing communities.

In the authorized subject, we’ve Lawyer Alhagie Abdoulie Fatty, one other former Observer journalist, who has carved out a major presence in Gambian legislation, representing high-profile instances and advocating for justice. Fatty’s journey from the newsroom to the courtroom exemplifies how the abilities of crucial pondering, analysis, and evaluation honed at The Observer can translate into efficient authorized advocacy and management. His transition from writing headlines to defending the downtrodden in courtrooms remembers the transformation of the traditional Greek orators—assume Demosthenes—whose rhetorical prowess and dedication to justice influenced the course of historical past.

Academia, too, is residence to Observer alumni. Dr. Ebrima Ceesay, now a revered professor on the University of Birmingham, is one other product of the paper’s rigorous journalistic surroundings. His scholarly contributions and his work in educating the subsequent era of thinkers and leaders could be traced again to the foundations he constructed throughout his time at The Observer. His colleague, Dr. Baba Galleh Jallow, has additionally made his mark, contributing to the mental panorama each in The Gambia and overseas. Much like the traditional Athenian academies, The Observer was a modern-day Agora, the place debates, concepts, and demanding thought flourished.

One can not assist however draw parallels with Fleet Street in its heyday, when it wasn’t only a hub for journalism however a breeding floor for intellectuals, reformers, and future statesmen. Just as figures like Charles Dickens, who started as a Fleet Street journalist, went on to form British literary and social thought, so too have the graduates of The Daily Observer moved past the confines of journalism to affect legislation, politics, and scholarship. The Observer’s newsroom was akin to a crucible of expertise, the place uncooked potential was refined into the very leaders shaping modern-day Gambia.

The checklist of distinguished alumni doesn’t cease there. The Daily Observer nurtured a wealth of expertise that has dispersed into varied sectors, with former staffers contributing to enterprise, schooling, and civil society. The paper was not only a media establishment; it was a coaching floor for excellence, instilling in its workers a way of duty, crucial pondering, and a dedication to reality and repair that transcended journalism. As the Greek thinker Heraclitus as soon as mused, “Character is destiny”—the Observer solid character in its workers, and their collective destinies now play out on nationwide and worldwide levels.

And but, regardless of their successes, the closure of The Observer handed with little greater than muted murmurs. These alumni of The Observer, lots of whom now wield important affect, may have banded collectively to rally for its survival, to problem the federal government’s resolution, or not less than make sure the dignity of the paper’s closure. But there was no grand protection mounted, no important effort to struggle again.

To compound issues, whereas The Daily Observer was shuttered and its workers left unpaid, the federal government’s actions had been cloaked in a veneer of legality. The argument was that the paper owed taxes—however the quantity cited was not sufficient to justify the indefinite grounding of such a significant media establishment. Activists comparable to Madi Jobarteh, who are actually vocal concerning the ongoing standoff between President Barrow and The Voice, needs to be reminded that The Observer deserved no much less of a protection than The Voice does in the present day. In reality, The Observer deserved it extra, as they had been victims in a conflict not of their making, whereas a few of The Voice’s troubles are self-inflicted.

The failure to defend The Observer was not only a failure of the media; it was a failure of Gambian society to face up for one in all its key establishments. The very paper that educated so many journalists, constructed so many careers, and have become a voice for the folks, was left to die, not as a result of it deserved to, however as a result of those that may have fought for it selected to not. It was a betrayal of the very best order, a reminder that within the cutthroat world of media, even the mightiest can fall if these they helped elevate flip their backs on the essential second.

In the ultimate evaluation, the closure of The Daily Observer was greater than only a blow to the press—it was a blow to Gambian democracy itself. Without a free and unbiased press, corruption thrives, energy goes unchecked, and the persons are left unvoiced within the face of injustice.

Then got here a twist of irony so bitter that it left many shaking their heads. Not lengthy after the closure of The Daily Observer, The Standard, one of many nation’s main newspapers, awarded its prestigious ‘Man of the Year’ title to the very determine whose establishment had overseen the shutdown of The Daily Observer. This resolution surprised the media neighborhood, because the award went to the top of the Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA), the very company accountable for implementing the closure. The Standard, in its celebratory piece, praised the awardee for his dedication to nationwide growth and dedication to fiscal duty. Nowhere within the glowing accolades was there any point out of the a whole lot of jobs misplaced or the injury achieved to press freedom by way of the closure of the nation’s largest newspaper.

For many, the choice to award such an honor to somebody so carefully linked to the suppression of The Daily Observer felt like a betrayal of journalistic rules. It was a stark reminder that the media was not proof against the identical political and financial pressures that had lengthy formed different sectors. The award ceremony was held with pomp and circumstance, attended by the nation’s political and enterprise elite. Speeches had been made, and toasts had been raised, all whereas the ghost of The Daily Observer loomed giant over the proceedings. The very establishment that had silenced a serious voice in Gambian journalism was being celebrated, whereas these left jobless and unvoiced by the paper’s closure watched in surprised disbelief.

Simply put, The Standard newspaper’s baffling option to crown Yankuba Darboe, the Commissioner General of the GRA, with the very best accolade a newspaper may provide, was the peak of absurdity. Here was a person presiding over a company that had turn out to be synonymous with corruption and bureaucratic buffoonery. What on earth had been the factors? Was it the effectivity of his spin machine or the depth of his promoting price range? How many dalasis did the GRA pour into The Standard’s coffers to safe this honor? The scenario was eerily harking back to the practices described by David Simon in Homicide: A Year on the Killing Streets, the place native politicians purchased favorable protection from cash-strapped newspapers. An identical case could be seen in post-Soviet Russia, the place media moguls near the Kremlin have been recognized to orchestrate awards and accolades to authorities officers in trade for favorable protection, thereby eroding the very rules of unbiased journalism.

The absurdity of the scenario wasn’t misplaced on the general public or the journalistic neighborhood. It revealed the widening hole between the beliefs of the press and the fact of its operations in The Gambia. The awarding of a ‘Man of the Year’ title to somebody so entangled with the destruction of The Daily Observer was not simply an insult to the career, however a sobering acknowledgment that even the press could possibly be purchased and offered, its ethical compass thrown astray by political and monetary expediency. This occasion left a deep stain on Gambian journalism, elevating uncomfortable questions concerning the function of the media in a post-Jammeh Gambia, and whether or not it was actually free, or just reshaped to serve a brand new set of masters. The case is harking back to Mexico’s Manuel Buendía case, the place investigative journalists had been killed or silenced, and the federal government honored figures of authority who performed a task within the suppression of press freedom. Awards had been used as instruments to cleanse reputations, leaving the general public disillusioned and the journalistic neighborhood demoralized.

Ultimately, this recognition by The Standard symbolized a disturbing normalization of state affect over the press. Rather than standing as an establishment that held energy to account, the media appeared more and more complicit in bolstering these very forces that sought to silence it. It wasn’t simply the closure of The Daily Observer that was troubling—it was the rising sense that the complete media panorama had turn out to be a mere extension of the identical political equipment that when crushed dissent. This second set a harmful precedent, one through which the press, as soon as the guardian of democracy, was slowly being was its personal gravedigger. As seen in Turkey below President Erdoğan, the place once-thriving unbiased media retailers had been systematically shut down or co-opted into state-run propaganda machines, the parallels had been stark. The Gambia now dangers heading down the identical path, the place press freedom exists solely in identify, whereas the media quietly succumbs to political affect and financial pressures. The once-vibrant journalistic panorama is in peril, because the grip of energy tightens across the throat of free expression.

Chapter 3: Echo Chambers of Power

In any thriving democracy, the press serves as an indispensable watchdog—a crucial drive able to illuminating the darkest corners of governmental malfeasance and holding the highly effective accountable. Journalists, armed with pen and paper—or in the present day, digital gadgets—are anticipated to delve deep into the machinations of energy, exposing corruption, injustice, and the assorted illnesses that plague society. However, in The Gambia, this noble splendid has been laid to relaxation, smothered beneath the burden of complacency and co-optation. The media panorama has metamorphosed right into a lamentable tableau the place newspapers merely regurgitate sanitized narratives churned out by the federal government’s public relations machine or, worse, fabricate tales out of skinny air, counting on phantom sources.

In reality, the final seven years have witnessed an alarming decline in critical investigative journalism in The Gambia, as many editors, reporters, and publishers proceed to money in by promoting out as an alternative of promoting  tales. When was the final time a Gambian minister felt the sweat of panic on the mere point out of their identify in print? When was the final time a newspaper headline despatched shivers down the backbone of these occupying the corridors of energy? The reply, regrettably, is that such moments have turn out to be relics of the previous. Today, it’s not the federal government trembling in concern of an investigative headline; it’s the press itself that appears paralyzed, tiptoeing across the reality as if it owes its loyalty to these in energy. The watchdog has turn out to be the handmaiden of the very system it was meant to maintain in test. Ministers who as soon as feared the wrath of the press now stroll confidently by way of the corridors of energy, understanding full effectively that the media has been neutered. In different phrases, the roles have reversed—the federal government now not shivers on the considered the press; quite, the press appears terrified to poke the hornet’s nest of energy, appearing as if its survival relies on maintaining these it ought to scrutinize firmly out of its crosshairs.

It is a well-established reality in political science that the media performs a pivotal function in shaping public opinion. What the general public is aware of and believes is basically decided by what the press chooses to report—or, more and more, what it chooses to not report. This is the essence of agenda-setting idea: the facility to inform folks not what to assume, however what to consider. The function of the press in a democratic society is to function a platform for various viewpoints and to foster a strong trade of concepts. Citizens ought to have free entry to the press to trade concepts, and views needs to be open to scrutiny as a result of that’s how civil society thrives. Yet, of their dealing with of public debate, mainstream Gambian publications comparable to The Standard, The Point, The Voice, and FOROYAA have successfully functioned as echo chambers, selectively amplifying the voices of sure people whereas systematically excluding various viewpoints.

This editorial censorship has stifled the plurality of voices that’s the lifeblood of any vibrant journalistic panorama. It’s as if to look within the native press, one should possess not only a sound argument but additionally a secret handshake and the approval of editorial overlords. Whether on account of bias, favoritism, or a reluctance to disturb the fastidiously curated mental established order, the result’s a monopoly of concepts the place solely choose voices are amplified. This creates an mental bubble that fosters a false sense of invincibility—an surroundings the place critique is unwelcome and dissenting voices are systematically excluded. We’ve seen related points in Britain, the place The Guardian has been accused of selling sure political narratives whereas sidelining others. Gambian media appears to be following this path, buying and selling mental range for a cushty however stagnant mental surroundings.

For years, native newspapers have revealed the musings of self-proclaimed intellectuals, shielding them from the type of rigorous scrutiny that’s important for the expansion of concepts. Any try to supply well-reasoned rejoinders aimed toward dismantling these flawed narratives has been conveniently sidelined, by no means seeing the sunshine of day. This observe mirrors what George Orwell warned in opposition to in Animal Farm: a media surroundings the place sure voices are “more equal than others.” It’s not nearly bias; it’s concerning the erosion of a market of concepts, leaving readers to just accept a slim and unchallenged narrative. By shutting down sturdy debate and limiting the scope of mental engagement, the media has betrayed its obligation to the general public. They’ve turned the media panorama right into a curated platform for the few, leaving readers clutching at straws for a shred of real journalism.

This is the place the shadow of Dr. Assan Jallow looms giant. His long-winded, usually incoherent ramblings are given satisfaction of place within the very newspapers that needs to be holding his concepts to account. It’s not that his concepts are notably dangerous; it’s that they’re seldom, if ever, challenged. His current articles on Dr. Mamadou Tangara had been initially revealed in The Standard, which, as a accountable outlet, ought to have been the primary to supply house for a proper of reply to anybody wishing to counter his arguments. Yet, for some cause, The Standard seems reluctant to publish any counterarguments, virtually as if they’re shielding these mediocre intellectuals behind some type of editorial safety—akin to paying a type of “intellectual protection fee.” In this, the state of Gambian journalism is harking back to the darker days of British tabloid journalism, the place the likes of Richard Desmond, along with his scandal-plagued tenure on the Daily Express, turned the media right into a playground for the well-heeled and well-connected. The whole affair reeks of a pay-for-play racket, a betrayal of journalistic rules the place protection could be purchased, and editorial stances are up on the market. How can they name themselves unbiased once they’re extra involved with enjoying favorites than with serving the general public good? This transformation of journalism right into a commodity is strictly what Evelyn Waugh satirized in Scoop, a novel that mocks the absurdities of a press extra considering promoting than serving. The Gambian media appears to have embraced Waugh’s satire as a playbook, turning their pages into marketplaces the place reality is negotiable.

Dr. Assan Jallow and most of the so-called Gambian intellectuals are prime merchandise of this surroundings. Scholars who’ve grown accustomed to having their work revealed unchallenged are insulated from the peer assessment course of that may in any other case expose the obvious flaws of their reasoning. In situations the place these so-called students, like Dr. Jallow, make obvious errors or espouse questionable arguments, the mainstream media’s lack of accountability mechanisms ensures that such errors go uncorrected, additional entrenching the misperception that their work is past reproach. In the previous, people like Dr. Jallow had been capable of bask within the glow of unearned mental reverence—not as a result of their concepts had been notably insightful, however as a result of the chance to critique and problem their work was systematically denied. Their voices dominated the general public sphere just because opposing voices had been silenced by editors who appeared intent on sustaining an mental hierarchy the place solely a choose few loved the privilege of being unassailable. This created a stagnant mental panorama the place critique was not solely discouraged however actively suppressed, leading to a one-sided discourse devoid of the dynamism and vibrancy that true debate brings.

Evidently, there may be an underlying “pay-to-play” dynamic at work, the place monetary incentives, quite than the advantage of concepts, usually decide who will get revealed. This has created an mental market the place visibility and affect should not earned by way of rigorous scholarship however bought by way of financial means. Such practices undermine the credibility of those media retailers and contribute to the proliferation of unchallenged, substandard mental content material.

But all isn’t misplaced. The development of unbiased on-line platforms is starting to crack the inspiration of this journalistic charade. These digital Davids, armed with laptops and a need for reality, are difficult the Goliath of mainstream complacency. They’re doing what the standard press has didn’t do—holding the highly effective to account, giving voice to the unvoiced, and daring to inform the tales that others are too timid to the touch. They’re the digital pamphleteers of our time, carrying on the legacy of Thomas Paine, who knew that “the pen is mightier than the sword” solely when it’s not offered to the very best bidder.

These digital retailers, devoted to selling open debate and various views, are exposing the shortcomings of established figures like Dr. Jallow. For the primary time, Gambian readers are being introduced with a extra balanced mental panorama, the place various viewpoints should not solely heard but additionally critically engaged with. This shift is step by step dismantling the phantasm of mental authority that people like Dr. Jallow have lengthy loved, subjecting their concepts to the rigorous scrutiny they’ve beforehand evaded.

This rising development is reflective of the grand custom of mental inquiry that has formed human thought from Classical Greece to the Enlightenment period. From the times of Classical Greece, intellectuals like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle championed the worth of debate, cause, and—most significantly—the scrutiny of concepts by way of peer assessment. It was their agency perception that reality may solely be uncovered by way of rigorous examination and dialogue, the place no thought was thought-about too sacred or inviolable to be questioned. Socrates, along with his relentless dialectical methodology, engaged his interlocutors in a quest for clearer understanding, all the time urging them towards larger mental humility. Plato’s Republic epitomizes this course of, presenting competing arguments that develop the boundaries of data by way of rigorous debate. Aristotle, to not be outdone, established the Lyceum, the place mental trade was not a monologue however a classy dialectic—one which sharpened the minds of all who participated.

Fast-forward to the Enlightenment, and we see philosophers comparable to Voltaire, Rousseau, and Kant carrying forth the torch of cause, championing free debate to not destroy the views of others, however to refine and develop one’s personal concepts by way of sturdy critique. Rousseau’s quarrels along with his contemporaries over the character of human society and Voltaire’s relentless advocacy free of charge speech had been rooted within the conviction that solely by way of contestation may reality be pursued. Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason is a permanent testomony to the worth of difficult and interrogating obtained knowledge. The methodology of peer assessment—inviting scrutiny to make sure no argument stands untested—has been the linchpin of mental progress for hundreds of years. It is that this spirit of rigorous inquiry that sustains the development of human thought.

The emergence of unbiased media in The Gambia is thus a return to those elementary rules of mental engagement. By breaking the monopoly of mainstream retailers and permitting a plurality of voices to be heard, these new platforms are reviving the classical custom of open debate and demanding inquiry. They are making certain that no thought stays past scrutiny and that the reality, nevertheless inconvenient, is pursued by way of rigorous examination. In this new surroundings, figures like Dr. Jallow can now not depend on unchallenged platforms to uphold their mental stature; they need to now have interaction with their critics and refine their concepts by way of the very course of that has traditionally propelled human data ahead.

The democratization of data by way of on-line media has leveled the enjoying subject, making it more and more tough for mainstream retailers to proceed their exclusionary practices. In this revitalized mental panorama, all concepts—no matter their supply—should face up to public critique and debate. As a outcome, the Gambian mental neighborhood is starting to interrupt free from the constraints of media gatekeeping, paving the way in which for a extra vibrant and dynamic trade of concepts that honors the timeless custom of inquiry from Classical Greece to the Enlightenment.

So, let’s not child ourselves. The mainstream media in The Gambia isn’t about serving the general public good; it’s about serving its personal pursuits, peddling affect whereas pretending to champion the widespread man. The actual heroes are these within the new media, those that dare to problem the narratives, who refuse to be purchased off or intimidated. And it’s excessive time the Gambian public stood behind them, as a result of the true battle isn’t between Barrow and the media—it’s between a press that serves itself and a press that serves the folks. While the challenges are substantial, the emergence of a extra various and unbiased media panorama affords hope that The Gambia can transfer past the darkish days of data management and in the direction of a future the place the press genuinely serves the general public curiosity.

Chapter 4: Journalism vs Churnalism  

In in the present day’s fast-paced media surroundings, the pursuit of revenue has overtaken the pursuit of reality. Journalism, as soon as seen as a noble endeavor to tell, educate and entertain, has more and more been lowered to “churnalism”—a time period popularized by Nick Davies to explain the observe of recycling press releases and superficial content material rather than authentic investigative reporting. This course of has reworked information right into a commodity, pushed not by the necessity to maintain energy accountable however by the necessity to entice clicks, advertisers, and income streams.

The rise of “churnalism” has turn out to be a defining characteristic of the Gambian press below President Adama Barrow’s dispensation. Under strain to supply content material shortly and incessantly, journalists have more and more relied on ready-made tales offered by authorities companies, NGOs, and company entities. This development displays a broader international sample the place newsrooms have lowered their investigative capability, focusing as an alternative on amount over high quality.

The function of the reporter, as soon as seen because the frontline investigator who holds energy accountable, has been relegated to that of a conveyor of pre-packaged data. Editors, who ought to act as gatekeepers making certain the accuracy and integrity of tales, now face immense pressures from advertisers and publishers to prioritize earnings over hard-hitting journalism. As a outcome, the symbiotic relationship between the press and the general public has weakened, with the general public left with little greater than sanitized content material that skirts round actual points.

At its core, newspapers are supposed to serve the general public by offering well timed, correct data on native, nationwide, and worldwide occasions, maintaining residents knowledgeable on crucial points comparable to politics, economics, and tradition. This operate helps the general public keep engaged with the world round them, reinforcing democracy by way of a well-informed voters. Newspapers function a key establishment in any functioning democracy, bridging the hole between these in energy and the folks. Advertisers, nevertheless, usually exert important affect, resulting in self-censorship and the dilution of investigative journalism that would upset business relationships. Publishers, involved with circulation numbers and income, generally push editors to favor sensationalist or trivial tales over in-depth reporting. As Walter Lippmann emphasised in his seminal work Public Opinion (1922), the media performs a pivotal function in shaping public perceptions and discourse, but the editorial independence vital to meet this function has more and more been compromised.

A elementary function of the press is to behave as a watchdog, uncovering corruption, abuse of energy, and societal injustices by way of investigative journalism. Globally, the press has usually been a cornerstone in holding governments accountable. The well-known investigative work of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein through the Watergate scandal, for instance, proved how important journalism could be in defending democracy (All the President’s Men, 1974). In The Gambia, nevertheless, investigative journalism has virtually fully disappeared, reflecting a disturbing retreat from the press’s most important operate. The editorial hierarchy—ranging from reporters and passing by way of sub-editors and senior editors—has turn out to be extra inclined to pursue secure, uncontroversial tales that align with the pursuits of highly effective stakeholders. This systemic failure is compounded by house owners and publishers who prioritize sustaining political and company alliances over championing journalistic integrity. As such, as an alternative of exposing wrongdoings, the media has allowed itself to be co-opted by the very programs it needs to be scrutinizing.

Another essential operate of the press is to coach the general public. Through considerate, well-researched evaluation, newspapers ought to present readers with the historic and social context vital to know main occasions. John Hersey’s Hiroshima (1946), for instance, is a trademark of how journalism can enlighten the general public on international points. Yet in The Gambia, newspapers usually fail to supply this stage of depth, opting as an alternative for surface-level reporting devoid of the mandatory background or crucial examination. The instructional function of the press is very necessary in a growing democracy like The Gambia, the place entry to balanced, informative reporting is important for civic engagement. Editors, who ought to information the narrative and form public understanding, now prioritize clickbait or sensationalism over well-rounded evaluation. Advertisers, too, exert undue affect by dictating what tales are informed, additional eroding the press’s instructional mandate.

Newspapers additionally historically function platforms for public notices, authorized bulletins, obituaries, and classifieds. While usually neglected, these sections present very important neighborhood data. Nick Davies, in his e book Flat Earth News (2008), emphasizes the significance of native information in fostering neighborhood engagement. However, the rising commodification of stories has diluted the press’s deal with community-centric reporting, sidelining essential public service bulletins in favor of sensationalism. This shift has left a vacuum within the media’s function as a bridge between the federal government and the general public, notably in native affairs. Editors, as soon as the curators of balanced content material, have more and more deferred to business pursuits, sidelining the extra mundane however very important elements of neighborhood reporting. Publishers and advertisers, looking for larger earnings, usually push for content material that pulls extra fast consideration, ignoring the important civic function that newspapers ought to play.

Perhaps most disheartening is the erosion of the press’s function in facilitating public discourse. Newspapers are supposed to present a platform for debate and the free trade of concepts by way of editorials, opinion columns, and letters to the editor. By presenting various viewpoints, they contribute to a extra knowledgeable citizenry. The editorial sections, which needs to be the battleground for competing concepts, have more and more turn out to be echo chambers, reflecting solely the views of those that maintain energy. In The Gambia, political polarization has infiltrated newsrooms, the place dissenting opinions are both watered down or silenced altogether. This failure stems from a reluctance amongst editors and publishers to problem the established order or threat alienating politically highly effective figures. In permitting this to occur, the press has compromised its duty to nurture a strong democratic debate, thereby leaving the general public with out a significant discussion board for civic engagement.

Collectively, these failures display how the Gambian press has not solely misplaced its manner however has contributed to its personal decline. Instead of serving as fearless watchdogs of democracy, newspapers have turn out to be entangled with the very programs of energy they’re supposed to carry accountable. This entanglement has compromised editorial independence, resulting in a media panorama the place reality and integrity take a backseat to monetary and political pursuits. Reporters are actually beholden to editors who, in flip, are guided by advertisers and publishers targeted on revenue quite than journalistic requirements. Without a concerted effort to reclaim journalistic integrity and independence, the media will proceed to spiral downward, leaving the Gambian public misinformed and disenfranchised. A vibrant, free press is important for any democratic society, however in The Gambia, the press appears extra considering defending its pursuits than serving the folks.

The legacy of Joseph Pulitzer affords a poignant distinction to the present state of journalism in The Gambia. Pulitzer, the Hungarian-born journalist who revolutionized American journalism, believed that newspapers shouldn’t solely inform the general public however function devices of social change and accountability. His creation of The New York World exemplified his imaginative and prescient, utilizing daring headlines and fearless exposés to seize public consideration whereas selling reality and justice. Pulitzer’s newsroom was guided by strict editorial requirements, making certain that each story, no matter its potential business attraction, was correct and impactful. His emphasis on “Accuracy!” grew to become the bedrock of accountable journalism, reminding us that the final word obligation of the press is to serve the general public curiosity. His method laid the inspiration for what we now know as the fashionable press, for higher or worse. In The Gambia, nevertheless, this guideline has been changed by a profit-driven agenda, the place editorial choices are dictated extra by advertisers and publishers than by a dedication to reality and accountability.

Chapter 5: Government Handouts

To be a journalist, one should not solely be dedicated to uncovering the reality but additionally be keen to endure the hardships that always accompany such a vocation. True journalism isn’t a career of luxurious; it’s one in all sacrifice. A real journalist is undistracted by the attract of wealth and proof against the temptations of energy, as their dedication lies with a better objective—the pursuit of an unvarnished reality. The calling requires a deliberate resistance to the shine of fabric comforts, to withstand being seduced by incentives which may compromise one’s values. For a journalist with integrity, the reality can’t be bartered for monetary safety or fleeting status. Instead, they have to be keen to face agency of their rules, even when it means forgoing the conveniences and comforts that others readily chase. The true journalist embraces the challenges, stays steadfast of their dedication to the general public curiosity, and resolutely refuses to let their voice be purchased or silenced by these in energy.

However, the beliefs of journalistic integrity have been severely undermined in The Gambia because the regime change of 2017. Financial incentives, authorities handouts, and secret dealings have step by step ensnared Gambian journalists, eroding the independence of the press and turning it right into a device of energy quite than a test on authority.

With the brand new administration got here the delicate but insidious observe of economic dependency. Media retailers that had struggled through the dictatorship now noticed a chance for stability by way of authorities help. Initially, this appeared like a much-needed aid—a chance to rebuild, to strengthen, and to thrive in a brand new democratic period. Yet, this monetary lifeline quickly was a shackle. Handouts got, not as benevolent gestures, however as a method to make sure compliance. Editorial independence was traded for monetary safety, and criticism of the federal government grew to become much less frequent, much less pointed, and ultimately, virtually absent. The watchdog had been tamed, and its bark softened to a whimper.

This compromise was not confined to overt transactions; it additionally manifested in additional covert methods. Media executives started to court docket the President himself, looking for monetary incentives in trade for favorable protection. This was not journalism—it was public relations. What ought to have been a career marked by a rigorous pursuit of reality was lowered to one in all transaction and self-preservation. The second these media leaders determined to method the federal government for funding, they crossed a line that undermined the core values of their career. The line between journalism and state propaganda grew to become blurred, with the press willingly echoing the federal government’s narratives in trade for monetary stability.

The COVID-19 pandemic introduced these dynamics into even sharper focus. As the pandemic wreaked havoc on economies, the Gambian media—already weakened and financially susceptible—scrambled for presidency aid funds. Journalists, as soon as tasked with holding energy to account, discovered themselves lining up for presidency help, and with that help got here expectations.  The acceptance of presidency handouts through the COVID-19 pandemic marked a turning level within the media’s fiscal and operational independence. From an financial standpoint, this may be understood by way of the lens of rent-seeking habits, the place media firms, as an alternative of innovating or reducing operational inefficiencies, sought to extract rents from the state. This dependency on state funds creates a perverse incentive construction, through which media retailers turn out to be beholden to the federal government, decreasing their incentive to interact in investigative journalism or maintain political elites to account. In journalistic phrases, this compromises editorial independence, as financial pressures result in the softening of criticism and the pursuit of extra ‘palatable’ content material for state actors. Rent-seeking, on this context, undermines the aggressive spirit of journalism, resulting in homogenization of content material that aligns with state narratives. The failure to diversify income sources signifies that the media’s sustainability is at fixed threat, and their editorial traces could also be extra aligned with preserving entry to state assets quite than upholding journalistic rules. This financial and ethical dependency additional erodes public confidence, as shoppers start to see the press as now not unbiased however as state-aligned, compromising its function because the protector of the general public curiosity.

Perhaps essentially the most egregious instance of this compromise got here with the key distribution of forty million dalasis to pick out media retailers, purportedly to fight disinformation. This funding, below the guise of noble intent, was in actual fact an instrument of management. It was distributed to these media homes that had confirmed themselves compliant, those who had been keen to align their editorial stance with the federal government’s pursuits. It was not about strengthening the media however about making certain its loyalty. This selective help fostered a media cartel, the place a number of privileged voices dominated public discourse, whereas unbiased and demanding retailers had been systematically excluded from these monetary advantages. The range of thought that’s important to a wholesome democracy was stifled, changed by a refrain of compliance.

Fatou Touray, CEO of Kerr Fatou, has publicly lamented that her media outfit was denied authorities promoting funds, particularly as a result of it was seen as being too crucial of the Barrow administration and perceived as pro-United Democratic Party (UDP). Touray has highlighted how Kerr Fatou and different unbiased media homes have been intentionally excluded from profitable authorities promoting alternatives, that are as an alternative reserved for media retailers that align carefully with authorities narratives. She identified that the state’s refusal to promote along with her media outlet was a deliberate try and stifle dissent and management the circulate of data. This exclusion, she argued, is an element of a bigger effort by the Barrow administration to marginalize crucial voices and make sure that state assets solely profit media organizations keen to supply favorable protection. Such actions successfully punish unbiased journalism, pushing crucial media to the fringes whereas rewarding loyalty to the federal government.

This blacklisting was allegedly enforced by way of covert directives to State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), instructing them to not place ads with Kerr Fatou. These directives had been reportedly conveyed by way of casual channels, with out official information, which added to the opacity of the method. Touray expressed deep disappointment within the president’s rhetoric and actions, describing them as a menace to press freedom. She argued that the federal government’s stance towards Kerr Fatou was an try and intimidate unbiased media into silence and compliance.

Touray’s claims maintain greater than a grain of reality, as related transformations could be noticed inside different Gambian media retailers. Notably, there may be an instance of a information community that, earlier than having access to authorities funding, was among the many staunchest critics of President Barrow’s administration. However, inside a number of quick years, as soon as this outlet had secured authorities help and entry to assets, its editorial tone shifted dramatically. What was as soon as a relentless stream of criticism was effusive reward, virtually as if orchestrated by an unseen hand.

This explicit media outlet, as soon as famend for its crucial stance in opposition to the Barrow administration, underwent one of the vital hanging reversals within the historical past of Gambian journalism. The transformation was as sudden because it was conspicuous: a former critic had now turn out to be one of many president’s most ardent supporters. Coverage that used to query each transfer of the administration was changed with sycophantic reporting, lauding the president’s actions with an enthusiasm that appeared virtually unnatural. It was as if the outlet had willingly traded its credibility for a cushty relationship with these in energy.

One can not assist however ponder whether there have been clandestine negotiations, covert agreements, or even perhaps the trade of ‘brown envelopes’ behind closed doorways. While such speculations stay within the realm of conjecture, the shift was unmistakable. What had as soon as been unbiased, fearless journalism reworked into adulation that verged on state-sponsored propaganda. The abruptness of this transition was additional evidenced by the sight of the proprietress of this explicit information community now socializing with members of the First Family—photographed with beaming smiles at occasions extra harking back to state pageantry than unbiased journalism.

Advertising income, which may have been a method for these retailers to keep up independence, additionally grew to become a mechanism of management. Lucrative authorities contracts had been awarded to media homes that towed the official line, whereas those that dared to stay crucial had been denied entry to such funding. This monetary stranglehold ensured that these media retailers keen to function authorities mouthpieces prospered, whereas those that sought to keep up journalistic integrity struggled. The press, which ought to function a test on energy, was as an alternative collaborating within the very programs of patronage it ought to have been exposing.

The Gambia Press Union (GPU), which should be a paragon of journalistic ethics, failed to handle these rising compromises. It allowed media homes to interact in these unethical practices with out consequence, resulting in the normalization of economic dependency and the degradation of journalistic requirements. The lack of accountability from the GPU meant that compromised journalism grew to become the brand new norm, eroding public belief within the media. The press, as soon as seen as an unbiased drive, now gave the impression to be little greater than a pawn within the broader sport of political maneuvering.

The penalties of those compromises are far-reaching. Without an unbiased press, the mechanisms of accountability that underpin democracy are weakened. The Gambian persons are left with out a dependable supply of data, with out a media that represents their pursuits or questions these in energy. The press, as soon as a pillar of Gambian democracy, has turn out to be a device for the federal government—a method to manage the narrative and keep energy with out scrutiny.

If the Gambian press is to regain its function as an unbiased drive able to holding energy accountable, a elementary change is required. Media homes should break away from monetary dependencies on the federal government, diversify their income sources, and reassert their editorial independence. The GPU should take an lively function in making certain that journalistic requirements are upheld and that those that compromise the integrity of the press are held accountable. Only by way of such reforms can the press hope to reclaim its place as a cornerstone of democracy, serving the general public curiosity quite than the pursuits of these in energy.

The questions surrounding the GPU’s issuance of press playing cards to its members elevate important issues about journalistic integrity and requirements in The Gambia. How can the GPU, in good conscience, present accreditation to people who appear to play either side—functioning as journalists whereas concurrently appearing as PR representatives for the federal government or non-public pursuits? This twin function clearly compromises the important independence that ought to outline journalistic observe. The integrity of journalism is threatened when the boundaries between unbiased reporting and promotional actions turn out to be blurred.

It seems that the GPU has by no means penalized any journalist or media government for skilled misconduct all through its historical past. This absence of accountability means that the Union isn’t implementing the requirements that are supposed to safeguard the credibility of journalism. There are journalists whose actions have clearly crossed moral traces, but they proceed to function with out going through any penalties. In different international locations, skilled misconduct in journalism, comparable to accepting bribes for favorable protection or spreading misinformation, would result in critical repercussions, together with expulsion from the press union or revocation of accreditation.

If the GPU is to uphold its credibility and keep public belief in Gambian journalism, it should take a firmer stance on journalistic ethics. The Union shouldn’t solely assessment how accreditations are granted but additionally set up clear accountability mechanisms to handle misconduct. Such measures are important for the event of a very unbiased press that serves the general public quite than non-public or political pursuits. Without these reforms, the credibility of the GPU and the integrity of the Gambian media will proceed to be questioned.

Chapter 6: The State House Visit

 Not way back, below the velvet skies of an April morning  that appeared to shimmer with promise, the State House doorways swung huge open to welcome a delegation of the Newspaper Publishers Association (NEPA). It was a scene that would have been pulled from the pages of historical Greek lore, the place grand halls held court docket to kings and philosophers, and the air itself appeared to hum with the burden of momentous issues. The ambiance, electrical but serene, draped itself over the gathering like a positive silk cloak. There had been smiles, shared glances, and laughter, as if the gods themselves had blessed the second with a uncommon ease. Cameras flashed, and dialog danced on the breeze like a melody lengthy forgotten.

One might need thought, for a fleeting second, that they had been witnessing one thing out of time—these moments in faraway kingdoms when queens knight their loyal topic or when Santa Claus himself might need strolled into the State House, not on Christmas Eve however on a winter’s night time of goals. The newspaper executives, in flip, approached the President for pictures, not not like pilgrims looking for a blessing. One by one, they took their flip, grinning for the cameras as if that they had simply met a dwelling deity. There was one thing virtually childlike within the ritual, as if the burden of their world could possibly be lifted with a mere contact of the presidential hand.

But beneath the mirth, beneath the feasting and the festivity, a quieter, extra somber word lingered within the shadows. The morning’s coronary heart lay not within the footage or the plates however within the hushed dialog that adopted, the place the discuss turned to survival—of newspapers, of livelihoods, of voices. In a world tilting ever nearer to financial collapse, how may the press, already on the brink, be saved? And so, the phrases ‘subvention’ and ‘government advertisement’ had been handed across the room, brilliant as cash, glimmering with the promise of salvation. Yes, they went cap in hand, whining about subventions and authorities adverts like a bunch of penny-counting bureaucrats.

Yet, as with all issues too rapidly sought, there was one thing lacking. For whereas the press chiefs spoke of cash, of the tangible burdens of their trade, they left unstated the far larger menace—the traditional, rusted chains of press legal guidelines that had, for generations, hung heavy on the necks of journalists. Laws that stifled, legal guidelines that silenced. And of their eagerness to court docket the favor of the state, they forgot that it was not simply their coffers that wanted liberating, however their very souls.

Now, because the echoes of that fateful morning fade, the results have come dashing again like a tide. The arrest and detention of The Voice editor and reporter have woke up cries from the identical press leaders who as soon as dined in complacency. But these cries now ring hole—too late, too empty, just like the final tune of a hen whose wings have been clipped by its personal hand. Hypocrisy and remorse twine collectively, the two-headed serpent of missed alternative.

And so, the scene unfolds, not as a grand banquet however as a fable, the place these entrusted with freedom’s torch allowed it to dim in trade for the fleeting glow of favor. Though after the go to, the native press reported that NEPA had a productive assembly with the president, however apart from the picture alternative, what else was achieved? The media chiefs had been so dazzled by the chance to rub shoulders with energy that they utterly forgot concerning the journalists they declare to characterize. Their giddy pleasure was palpable, like youngsters on a college journey to the State House—a lot in order that they couldn’t be bothered to problem the very legal guidelines which were weaponized in opposition to their colleagues.

Simply put, the current assertion by the NEPA calling on the police to drop expenses in opposition to journalists Musa Sheriff and Momodou Justice Darboe presents itself as a disingenuous try to look involved about press freedom in The Gambia. Yet, one can not ignore the obvious contradiction of their actions. When given the chance to satisfy with the president, as an alternative of championing the repeal of draconian legal guidelines that threaten the liberty of expression, NEPA selected to prioritize their very own monetary pursuits—discussing authorities subventions and promoting income, as if these had been essentially the most urgent points.

Sure, Sam Sarr of FOROYAA made a token nod to the necessity for reform, particularly calling for the repeal of oppressive legal guidelines comparable to legal defamation and sedition. However, this was buried in a footnote, like an undesirable line merchandise in a price range report. After the assembly, there was a conspicuous lack of tangible follow-up—no makes an attempt to carry the federal government’s toes to the hearth to make sure the president delivered on his guarantees. As Sam Sarr himself talked about, the media can not thrive on the ephemeral goodwill of leaders; they want these lofty phrases codified into legislation to supply real safety. How completely naïve these press chiefs have to be to imagine something the president proclaims about safeguarding journalists and selling freedom! If he had been genuinely dedicated, would he have dared to shutter The Daily Observer? This similar president, who has backpedaled on his guarantees like a dancer attempting to keep away from a misstep, reneged on his vow to serve simply three years earlier than extending his time period to 5—and now he’s eyeing a 3rd! This man isn’t merely a politician; he’s a grasp of the grand phantasm, a conjurer of damaged guarantees wrapped in velvet rhetoric.

If Musa Sheriff had recognized that simply months after posing for these picture ops with the president, he would discover himself in court docket battling for his freedom, maybe he would have prioritized discussions about repealing these draconian legal guidelines over chasing promoting cash. And let’s not neglect Pap Saine, the managing editor of Point Newspaper, who, in a show of misplaced optimism, praised Barrow through the assembly for his alleged dedication to press freedom. He have to be able to eat his phrases now, given the most recent lawsuit in opposition to The Voice and the relentless harassment from the police. The arrests, detention, and expenses in opposition to journalists are actually telling indicators of a police state. If journalists can not see this unfolding actuality, bless their hearts.

It is each baffling and deeply ironic that NEPA would now place its religion in the exact same Media Commission that one in all its personal, Deyda Hydara, stood vehemently in opposition to. On 14 December 2004, two days earlier than his assassination, Hydara penned what would turn out to be his closing article, a defiant name to problem the Media Commission Act. He acknowledged the act for what it was—a weapon aimed toward silencing dissent and tightening the federal government’s management over the press. The act’s provisions had been draconian: harsher legal penalties for defamation, exorbitant safety bonds required to determine a newspaper, and the compelled registration of journalists with a board, all below the guise of sustaining ‘professionalism.’

Hydara’s resistance was not nearly defending his livelihood; it was about safeguarding the liberty of the press and the general public’s proper to obtain unbiased, uncensored data. For him, the Media Commission symbolized an existential menace to journalism in The Gambia. His assassination solely underscored the excessive stakes concerned in difficult such a legislation.

And but, quick ahead to in the present day, NEPA seems to have deserted Hydara’s trigger, seemingly unperturbed by the Commission’s inherent risks. This shift in place raises critical questions: Why is NEPA now aligning with a construction that Hydara seen as a dying knell for press freedom? Has the lure of presidency ads and monetary stability clouded their judgment? It appears that, in its pursuit of survival, NEPA has conveniently forgotten the very rules that when outlined the group and its members. Hydara’s legacy, as soon as an emblem of journalistic braveness, now stands in stark distinction to NEPA’s acquiescence to a system he died opposing.

The undeniable fact that the Commission is headed by Neneh Macdouall-Gaye nullifies the complete premise of subscribing to such a physique. Her tenure as Minister of Information throughout Yahya Jammeh’s regime—a interval synonymous with the suppression of press freedom—casts a darkish cloud over her management on this capability. Gambian journalists who lived by way of the suffocating media restrictions of that period have each cause to query her suitability to supervise a physique purportedly tasked with defending the identical freedoms she as soon as undermined. But evidently the native media chiefs undergo from selective amnesia, conveniently forgetting Macdouall-Gaye’s function in a regime that silenced dissent. Their excessive tolerance for presidency interference and quick recollections of previous oppression make one ponder whether the rules of press freedom have been traded for political comfort or monetary acquire.

This brings us to the absurdity of getting each the GPU and NEPA. Two organizations, similar trade, however what precisely is NEPA doing that GPU couldn’t? By current individually, they weaken the press as a complete. NEPA’s contentment with this cut up exhibits that unity isn’t the precedence—it’s self-preservation. How handy that in the case of media regulation and monetary perks, NEPA is all the time first in line to guard its personal pursuits, however when it’s time to sort out the true points—just like the legal guidelines that stifle free speech—they’re nowhere to be discovered.

In the top, NEPA’s assertion is nothing greater than a feeble try and salvage their tattered fame. They’ve squandered each alternative to struggle for press freedom, selecting as an alternative to play good with the powers that be. Now that the wolves are on the door, they’re screaming for mercy. But don’t be fooled. This isn’t about defending press freedom. It’s about defending their very own pursuits, and so they’ve proven they’ll promote out press freedom the second there’s cash on the desk.

So, to NEPA, we are saying this: Save your sanctimonious sermons for somebody who cares. The injury is finished, and no quantity of posturing can conceal the truth that when the second got here to struggle for the press, you selected to struggle for yourselves. Bravo. What a efficiency. Shame the curtain’s falling in your little act.

Chapter 8: Embargo on Broadcasting License

The story of media freedom in The Gambia since 2017 is one in all contradictions—of progress stymied by retrogression, of hope sullied by bureaucratic and political constraints. Under President Adama Barrow, the Gambian media panorama skilled a promising renaissance. The new administration, in stark distinction to Yahya Jammeh’s oppressive regime, ushered in an period of optimism, and for a short second, it appeared that press freedom had lastly discovered fertile floor. Yet, this progress is now in peril, with the embargo on broadcasting licenses, imposed by the Public Utilities Regulatory Authority (PURA) in 2021, undoing a lot of the great that had been achieved in Barrow’s early days, particularly through the tenure of Demba Ali Jawo as Minister of Information, whose progressive media insurance policies resulted in a marked enlargement of the media sector. Jawo’s tenure noticed the comfort of broadcasting laws, which facilitated the expansion of over 40 new radio stations and 6 tv channels. ​ The debut of QTV in 2017 as Gambia’s first non-public tv station signaled a tectonic shift within the media surroundings. No longer would GRTS, the state-controlled broadcaster, take pleasure in an uncontested monopoly. For the primary time, Gambians had been uncovered to a wider array of opinions, with discussions that challenged the federal government changing into a staple of radio and tv applications​.

But, because the floodgates opened, cracks started to appear. The speedy enlargement of media retailers led to licenses being awarded with out thorough vetting. Many of those new broadcasters lacked each the technical data and the monetary capability to function their stations successfully. This wave of rapidly assembled retailers inevitably led to a degradation within the total high quality of broadcasting, with amateurism changing the professionalism {that a} free and accountable press requires​.

Faced with these penalties, the federal government’s response was to not recalibrate its insurance policies however to clamp down, imposing an embargo on new broadcasting licenses that has frozen out potential new entrants to the media panorama.

Adding to the complexity of this example is the rampant cronyism that has undermined the complete licensing course of. It has turn out to be widespread data that most of the licenses issued through the preliminary interval had been awarded to the federal government’s associates and cronies, lots of whom by no means even bothered to start out operations. Rather than constructing sustainable media retailers, these people secured the licenses as speculative property. In an appalling twist, some are actually promoting these licenses to 3rd events for as a lot as 5 occasions their authorized value.

According to PURA laws, the price of acquiring a broadcasting license is roughly 100,000 dalasis. However, because of the lack of correct vetting and enforceable laws, some license holders are making the most of this by promoting their licenses for upwards of two million dalasis. This speculative buying and selling of licenses has solely exacerbated the unfairness within the media panorama. Instead of confiscating these licenses and opening the market to aggressive bidders, the federal government has chosen to get rid of competitors altogether by imposing the embargo​.

Furthermore, as an alternative of permitting candidates to comply with the correct authorized processes, many people now use their connections with authorities officers to bypass forms and safe licenses by way of the backdoor, reinforcing a tradition of patronage quite than transparency.

The penalties of the embargo have been profound. Genuine media entrepreneurs—these with the abilities, capital, and professionalism to raise Gambian broadcasting—have been sidelined. The embargo has created an imbalanced enjoying subject, the place poorly run stations that slipped by way of the regulatory cracks earlier than the freeze proceed to function, whereas new, probably extra certified operators stay locked out. The result’s a media panorama that’s stagnant, uncompetitive, and, in some instances, unprofessional​

In this context, the current rating of The Gambia by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), which locations the nation fiftieth out of 180 international locations within the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, seems deceptive. While the rating suggests progress in press freedom, it fails to seize a few of the important challenges going through the Gambian media panorama in the present day. The rating is flawed for a number of causes.

Firstly, it suffers from methodological bias, relying closely on surveys stuffed out by media professionals whose subjective experiences won’t precisely replicate the broader scenario. Secondly, the index emphasizes notion over actuality, probably skewing the ends in areas the place media professionals are both overly optimistic or shielded from harsher realities. In the case of The Gambia, whereas sure authorized reforms, such because the Access to Information Act, have been adopted, lots of Jammeh-era media legal guidelines—notably these regarding defamation—stay on the books, casting a protracted shadow over real press freedom​.

Furthermore, press assaults and impunity stay a persistent downside. Journalists nonetheless face threats and intimidation, usually from political actors or safety forces, and the dearth of accountability for these assaults has undermined the media’s function in holding energy to account. The index additionally tends to miss the persevering with authorized constraints, the place legal guidelines round legal defamation nonetheless permit political actors to strain journalists. The deal with conventional media, comparable to print and radio, ignores the struggles of on-line media platforms, which play an more and more essential function in shaping public discourse in The Gambia​.

The  Gambia Press Union (GPU) and far of the Gambian media have downplayed the implications of this embargo. Instead of elevating their voices in opposition, they’ve remained comparatively silent on what quantities to a direct assault on press freedom. While the media in any wholesome democracy could be anticipated to rally in opposition to such a restriction, the GPU’s muted response has been puzzling. Instead of elevating a clarion name to guard media range and development, the union has supplied little resistance. This silence emboldens the federal government and threatens to undo years of progress​.

The freeze on new broadcasting licenses represents greater than only a regulatory hurdle; it’s, in impact, a type of censorship by omission. By limiting the variety of voices on the airwaves, the federal government is controlling the narrative. Without new media retailers getting into the house, the voices that problem the established order are fewer, and the range of views is drastically diminished. This narrowing of the general public discourse strikes on the coronary heart of The Gambia’s democratic aspirations. Democracy thrives on a multiplicity of voices, and the present embargo serves to silence lots of them​.

The financial ramifications of this embargo are equally distressing. Radio and tv stations that had been poised to enter the market—or develop their operations—now discover themselves in limbo. Unable to safe licenses, they’re legally barred from working, which signifies that potential income streams have dried up. Smaller broadcasters, particularly, are feeling the pinch, as they usually lack the monetary reserves essential to survive extended durations of inactivity. The embargo not solely limits the potential development of the trade but additionally threatens the monetary stability of broadcasters who can not afford to attend indefinitely for his or her licenses to be accredited​.

It is  additionally price mentioning that the embargo has broader implications for political house and competitors. As communication theorists comparable to McQuail have argued, media pluralism is essential for making certain that no single perspective dominates public discourse. By stopping the emergence of latest media retailers, the embargo entrenches the dominance of current gamers, lots of whom have shut ties to the federal government. This consolidation of media energy stifles political competitors, as opposition voices battle to seek out platforms from which they’ll problem the state. In a democracy, the media serves as a crucial test on authorities energy; when the media is weakened, so too is the democratic course of​.

In conclusion, the embargo on broadcasting licenses is eroding the hard-won positive aspects that marked the early days of President Barrow’s administration. While The Gambia initially made important strides in media freedom, the freeze on new licenses is undoing this progress, stifling development, and limiting the range of voices which might be important for a wholesome democracy. The want for a clear, truthful, and constant licensing course of has by no means been extra pressing. Without such reforms, The Gambia dangers sliding again into the darker days of media repression, the place the free trade of concepts was however a distant dream​.

Chapter 8:  Political fallout

In the chronicles of Gambian political historical past, few relationships have been as pivotal—and as precarious—because the one between the press and the presidency. Like uneasy dance companions, every depending on the opposite for validation and attain, their concord lasted so long as their pursuits aligned. For a time, President Adama Barrow and the nationwide media had been sure by a shared narrative of post-dictatorship optimism, of rebuilding a fractured nation with transparency and hope. But as with all political romances, the cracks started to point out.

The honeymoon is over. The gloves are off. The as soon as cozy relationship between the Gambian President and the press has soured, reaching a brand new low as President Barrow launches his first lawsuit in opposition to The Voice newspaper. The catalyst? A single explosive story suggesting that Barrow had secretly chosen businessman Muhammed Jah as his successor, sparking outrage inside the presidential palace. What had as soon as been a fragile truce between the state and the media has now was a full-scale confrontation, with Barrow feeling betrayed by these as soon as trusted to report the information impartially. This single story, a seemingly innocuous headline, pushed President Barrow to the sting. Gone was the affected person statesman keen to tolerate criticism, changed by a person now totally ready to wield the legislation as a weapon in opposition to the press. In his thoughts, this was not nearly false reporting—it was a direct problem to his authority, his integrity, and his political future.

The press, nevertheless, noticed it otherwise. To them, this was an all-out assault on freedom of speech, an try and silence a significant watchdog establishment that held the highly effective accountable. The Voice, standing agency within the face of authorized threats, has turn out to be the image of the Gambian press’s defiance. For them, this isn’t nearly defending one story or one paper—that is about defending journalism itself. By difficult Barrow, they’re combating to safeguard the very rules of democracy and free expression. To the press corps, the lawsuit is an act of desperation, a transfer that exhibits Barrow’s incapability to deal with dissent and criticism.

Whether President Barrow wins or loses the case, the injury has already been achieved. His fame, as soon as fastidiously crafted as a reformer and champion of the folks, now lies in ruins. The very act of suing the press has forged a protracted shadow over his management, leaving many to query whether or not his presidency is crumbling below the burden of its personal contradictions. What follows is anybody’s guess. Some speculate that Barrow, backed right into a nook, will turn out to be much more hostile in the direction of the media, utilizing authorized and political instruments to suppress dissent. Others imagine that the press will emerge stronger than ever, emboldened by their defiance. What is definite is that the connection between the presidency and the press has modified irrevocably. The belief, as soon as fragile however practical, has shattered.

The media can be watching Barrow’s each transfer with sharpened scrutiny, and Barrow, in flip, will view the press not as a associate in governance however as an enemy to be tamed. This story is way from over. It is a battle for the narrative, a battle for the reality, and, above all, a battle for management over Gambia’s political future. As the courtroom turns into the brand new theatre of conflict, the nation watches, uncertain of what is going to emerge from the wreckage of this damaged relationship between energy and the pen.

The actual lesson right here is that each the press and the presidency should rise above this petty squabble. The press should try for accuracy and duty, and the presidency should be taught to reply with poise, not petulance. The Gambia deserves a media that speaks reality to energy and a management that respects the function of the press in a democratic society. But sadly, the Gambian media, removed from being the watchdog of society, has turn out to be extra like a lapdog, all too keen to lick the boots of the highly effective in trade for scraps. The dependence on authorities and company promoting has turned newsrooms into echo chambers of those that pay essentially the most. This isn’t journalism—it’s a grotesque parody of the free press, the place the reality is offered to the very best bidder.

So what’s the answer? The Gambian press wants to recollect its function because the fourth property, not because the fifth column of the highly effective. It wants to interrupt free from the chains of economic dependency and editorial cowardice. It must reclaim its place because the voice of the folks, not the mouthpiece of politicians and enterprise tycoons. It’s time for a brand new period of journalism in The Gambia, one which honors the rules of reality, accountability, and public service.

In the grander scheme of issues, this debacle ought to function a wake-up name for the Gambian authorized and media communities. For the attorneys, it’s a name to raise their observe, to embrace the trials of public service and to desert the pursuit of revenue over public curiosity—as Ida Drammeh and Associates are nothing however mercenary attorneys who’ve lowered their career to a market of offers quite than justice. For the media, it’s a reminder of the significance of accuracy and integrity in reporting. And for the President, it is a chance to reassess his method to governance, to know that management isn’t about silencing critics however about addressing the issues of the folks with dignity and respect. In the ultimate evaluation, it’s the public belief that’s eroded, the democratic beliefs which might be undermined, and the way forward for a free and vibrant press that hangs within the stability.

Chapter 9: The West’s Double Standard

The story of worldwide diplomacy is usually one in all selective morality—the place the banners of democracy, human rights, and press freedom are waved proudly when it fits the agendas of highly effective states, solely to be quietly folded away when the identical rules turn out to be inconvenient. In a world ruled not by beliefs however by pursuits, international locations like The Gambia discover themselves as pawns in a sport far bigger than their borders. Beneath the veneer of worldwide concern for human rights lies a extra cynical actuality: one through which strategic alliances, financial leverage, and geopolitical maneuvering take priority over the very freedoms they purport to defend. Under Yahya Jammeh, The Gambia was a straightforward goal for worldwide condemnation—a defiant, rogue regime that openly challenged Western powers. Every infringement on press freedom, each act of repression was handled as a worldwide outrage, a rallying cry for embassies and overseas governments to chastise a authorities that dared to defy their expectations. Yet, because the political panorama shifted with the arrival of Adama Barrow, a stark and unsettling transformation befell. The worldwide neighborhood’s righteous indignation, as soon as so vociferously directed at Jammeh’s excesses, abruptly gave technique to deafening silence as Barrow continued the exact same suppression of the press, this time below a extra palatable guise. The change was not born of progress or an enchancment within the state of media freedom, however quite a recalibration of Western pursuits—pursuits that now present in Barrow a extra compliant associate, keen to play the function of a pawn of their broader geopolitical sport.

Yahya Jammeh was not simply one other strongman. He styled himself as a Pan-Africanist, an African chief who wouldn’t bow to Western powers, and who noticed himself as a defender of Africa’s dignity and sovereignty. His rule, whereas marred by repression, was additionally characterised by his relentless opposition to Western cultural impositions—notably the legalization of homosexuality. Jammeh’s rhetoric in opposition to LGBTQ+ rights was not restricted to the nationwide stage. At the United Nations, he delivered fiery speeches denouncing what he noticed as Western ethical decay, steadfastly refusing to permit The Gambia to be “recolonized” by way of the acceptance of overseas values. For Jammeh, homosexuality represented a menace to the ethical material of Gambian society, and his authorities made no concessions to the rising strain from worldwide organizations. The West was infuriated by this defiance, portray Jammeh as a pariah.

Contrast this with President Adama Barrow, whose administration has quietly opened the door to Western affect in trade for monetary assist. Barrow, not like Jammeh, has chosen to align himself with European Union pursuits, permitting himself to be molded by overseas calls for. The billions of dalasis in assist which have flowed into The Gambia below Barrow’s administration include strings hooked up. The West, by way of its growth applications, has subtly pressed for reforms, together with the acceptance of LGBTQ+ rights and different progressive beliefs. While Barrow has not publicly embraced these insurance policies, his authorities has been greater than keen to accommodate Western agendas behind the scenes. This willingness to conform has successfully purchased Barrow a protect from the identical worldwide scrutiny that Jammeh confronted. The silence of the West within the face of Barrow’s more and more authoritarian tendencies echoes related instances in international diplomacy, the place human rights violations are tolerated so long as the offending regime serves a larger geopolitical objective. A working example is the U.S.’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, the place strategic alliances within the oil-rich Middle East take priority over democratic rules. Despite the homicide of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a vocal critic of the Saudi authorities, in a Saudi consulate, the worldwide response—particularly from the U.S.—was tepid at greatest. Saudi Arabia’s significance as a serious arms purchaser and regional energy meant that outrage over Khashoggi’s assassination was tempered by financial and strategic calculations. The similar could possibly be stated of Barrow’s Gambia, the place the worldwide neighborhood overlooks media repression as a result of  the present president is well manipulated and keen to do their bidding in trade for European Union assist.

This rising compliance could be seen clearly in Barrow’s willingness to stifle crucial media. The ongoing lawsuit in opposition to The Voice newspaper is among the most obvious examples of how Barrow has adopted in Jammeh’s footsteps in the case of media suppression. The Voice, a distinguished outlet crucial of the federal government, is going through a politically motivated lawsuit designed to cripple it financially and silence its dissent. The lawsuit is a direct assault on press freedom, but the worldwide neighborhood has remained silent. Under Jammeh, such a transfer would have prompted fast condemnations from overseas embassies and worldwide organizations. But Barrow, enjoying the function of the compliant ally, has managed to keep away from the identical stage of scrutiny. This is harking back to Egypt’s therapy of crucial media below President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the place Western powers flip a blind eye to the jailing of journalists as a result of Egypt serves their strategic pursuits within the Middle East.

The closure of The Daily Observer in 2017 was yet one more chapter in Barrow’s suppression of the media. The official cause for the shutdown was tax evasion, but it surely was extensively understood that the newspaper was focused for its crucial stance in the direction of Barrow’s administration. Once a significant voice throughout Jammeh’s regime, The Daily Observer was silenced below the guise of economic impropriety. The West, as soon as vocal about press freedom in The Gambia, once more remained silent, simply because it did when Turkey’s Erdoğan shut down dozens of crucial media retailers following a failed coup in 2016. Both actions had been about silencing dissent below the duvet of legality, and in each instances, the worldwide neighborhood prioritized its relationships with compliant regimes over defending press freedom.

The suppression of personal radio stations has additionally turn out to be an indicator of Barrow’s rule. Since 2021 his administration has imposed an efficient embargo on the issuance of latest broadcasting licenses. The transfer has prevented unbiased voices from rising within the media panorama, stifling any new opposition that would problem the federal government’s narrative. By withholding these licenses, Barrow has ensured that the media panorama stays dominated by pro-government retailers, stopping any recent, unbiased voices from rising to problem the established order. This is a traditional authoritarian tactic, one perfected by regimes like Putin’s in Russia, the place management over broadcasting licenses is used to stifle dissent and keep a decent grip on energy. Yet, whereas the West usually decries these techniques when employed by geopolitical adversaries, there was no such criticism of Barrow’s embargo. The worldwide neighborhood is content material to let Barrow comply with in Putin’s footsteps, so long as he continues to play by their guidelines.

 Physical assaults on journalists have additionally turn out to be a disturbing development below Barrow’s rule. In November 2019, three journalists working for Kerr Fatou, The Gambia Talent Promotion, and Paradise Radio had been assaulted by members of the Barrow Youth Movement (BYM) and the Barrow Fans Club on the Janjanbureh Ferry Crossing Point. The journalists had been documenting the discontent of a mob who had been offended over transportation points after paying to comply with the president’s tour. What adopted was nothing in need of a violent assault on the press: Ebrahim Jambang had his digicam snatched and destroyed, whereas Sally Jobe was bodily assaulted by a authorities translator. These assaults on the press had been clear violations of media freedom, but the response from the worldwide neighborhood was mute. Had these assaults occurred below Jammeh, they might have prompted a global outcry, with human rights organizations demanding accountability. But with Barrow in energy, the identical watchdogs that when cried foul now stay silent, unwilling to jeopardize their strategic partnership with The Gambia.

The West’s hypocrisy is additional exemplified in Barrow’s dealing with of The Gambia’s non-public radio stations. In addition to the embargo on broadcasting licenses, Barrow’s administration has additionally focused current non-public radio stations with harassment, threats, and arbitrary fines. These stations, which had been as soon as a beacon of unbiased journalism below Jammeh’s regime, are actually being squeezed out of existence by a authorities that has mastered the artwork of sentimental repression. Instead of outright shutting down these retailers, Barrow’s administration has used regulatory instruments to bleed them dry, slowly suffocating them below the burden of compliance calls for and monetary penalties. Again, the worldwide neighborhood, which had as soon as been so vocal about press freedom below Jammeh, stays silent.

Barrow’s submission to Western calls for isn’t restricted to his home media insurance policies. On the worldwide stage, Barrow has allowed The Gambia for use as a pawn within the European Union’s efforts to manage migration. The EU’s refugee repatriation settlement, which facilitates the compelled return of Gambian asylum seekers, was a betrayal of those that fled throughout Jammeh’s rule. Rather than standing up for his folks, Barrow selected to adjust to the EU’s calls for, buying and selling human rights for monetary assist. Journalists who criticized the deal confronted harassment, but the West as soon as once more turned a blind eye. The scenario mirrors the West’s therapy of Israel’s crackdown on journalists within the Palestinian territories—when strategic pursuits are at stake, press freedom is conveniently neglected.

In a nutshell, the West’s double commonplace in its therapy of The Gambia below Barrow is a part of a broader sample of selective outrage in worldwide diplomacy. When leaders like Jammeh problem Western pursuits, their human rights abuses are loudly condemned. But when leaders like Barrow align themselves with Western geopolitical and financial targets, their violations of press freedom are ignored. This hypocrisy isn’t distinctive to The Gambia—it’s a recurring theme in international affairs, the place the protection of democracy and human rights is usually sacrificed in favor of strategic alliances. As lengthy as Barrow continues to play his function within the West’s broader geopolitical sport, his suppression of the press can be met with nothing greater than silence.

But how lengthy will the West’s silence final? History has proven repeatedly that comfortable leaders usually harden into despots when left unchecked. Today, Barrow is merely suing journalists and shutting newspapers, however what occurs when that isn’t sufficient? One needn’t look too far into international historical past to seek out chilling parallels. In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe started his reign with discuss of reconciliation and nation-building, solely to turn out to be one in all Africa’s most brutal dictators. Under his rule, the once-prosperous nation descended into financial wreck, and journalists who dared to talk out had been imprisoned, tortured, or worse. The flames of authoritarianism usually begin small—a newspaper sued right here, a radio station silenced there—however they’ll shortly turn out to be an inferno of oppression. Barrow is already strolling down this well-worn path, and until the West acts now, we might quickly see a Gambia the place journalists should not solely sued however summarily executed, and the place newspapers should not solely closed however burned to the bottom.

It has occurred earlier than, and it will possibly occur once more. The burning of The Independent newspaper in 2004 below Jammeh’s regime stands as a haunting reminder of what lies forward if the worldwide neighborhood continues to show a blind eye to Barrow’s creeping authoritarianism. The Jammeh period noticed the homicide of journalists like Pa Omar Barrow of Sud FM and Chief Ebrima Manneh, who mysteriously disappeared after being arrested by state brokers and was by no means seen once more. Deyda Hydara, one other journalist, was gunned down in chilly blood for daring to report the reality. Is The Gambia now set to revisit these darkish days? Barrow is inching nearer to the purpose of no return, and the West’s indifference is lighting the way in which. It is time for the worldwide neighborhood to take a stand—earlier than Barrow totally embraces the instruments of dictatorship. Failure to behave now is not going to solely embolden his regime however may also make sure that The Gambia’s fragile democracy collapses, taking with it the very freedoms the West claims to defend.

Chapter 10: The Road Ahead  

The highway forward for the Gambian press is fraught with challenges, however additionally it is stuffed with alternatives for transformation. Rebuilding public belief within the media would require a concerted effort to maneuver past the political video games and moral compromises of the previous. Journalists, editors, and media house owners should recommit to the core values of transparency, independence, and accountability if they’re to regain the boldness of the folks.

The media should extricate itself from the political entanglements which have compromised its integrity. While financial survival is a actuality that can’t be ignored, the media should discover methods to stay unbiased in each spirit and observe. This contains diversifying income streams to scale back reliance on authorities funding and company sponsorships that include strings hooked up. Financial independence is essential to editorial freedom, and media homes should discover choices comparable to reader subscriptions, crowdfunding, and partnerships with worldwide non-governmental organizations that help press freedom.

Strengthening journalistic requirements is one other crucial part of rebuilding belief. The Gambian media panorama has been tormented by an absence of rigorous fact-checking, sensationalism, and an overreliance on unverified sources. To handle this, media retailers should put money into coaching applications for journalists to boost their abilities in investigative reporting, information journalism, and moral practices. By adhering to larger requirements of accuracy and objectivity, the media can start to rebuild its credibility with the general public.

The function of media unions and regulatory our bodies, such because the Gambia Press Union and the Ministry of Information, can’t be understated. These establishments should take a extra proactive stance in upholding journalistic ethics and holding media practitioners accountable for violations. The Gambia Press Union, particularly, should implement its code of conduct persistently and make sure that journalists who have interaction in unethical habits are penalized. Establishing clear penalties for breaches of journalistic integrity will assist restore public confidence within the media as a reliable establishment.

Collaboration between conventional media and unbiased on-line platforms can even play a major function in revitalizing the media panorama. Independent on-line media have introduced a recent perspective and have usually been on the forefront of holding these in energy accountable. By fostering partnerships between legacy media and these new platforms, the Gambian press can create a extra sturdy and various ecosystem that serves the general public curiosity. Such collaborations can even assist bridge the hole between older audiences who depend on conventional media and youthful, tech-savvy audiences who eat information on-line.

Media literacy applications are important for empowering the general public to critically assess the data they eat. In an period of misinformation and pretend information, equipping residents with the abilities to tell apart between credible journalism and disinformation is essential. The media, in partnership with instructional establishments and civil society organizations, ought to lead initiatives to advertise media literacy, serving to the general public turn out to be extra discerning shoppers of stories. This is not going to solely improve the standard of public discourse but additionally maintain media organizations accountable to larger requirements.

The Barrow administration should even be held accountable for its actions, and the press should demand the liberty it was promised. The authorities has a duty to respect press freedom and create an surroundings the place journalists can function with out concern of retribution. This contains repealing draconian legal guidelines that limit freedom of expression and making certain that journalists are protected against harassment and intimidation. A free and unbiased press is important for a functioning democracy, and the federal government should play its half in safeguarding this pillar of society.

To obtain lasting change, the tradition inside media organizations should additionally evolve. Media house owners and executives should prioritize journalistic integrity over short-term monetary positive aspects or political affect. This cultural shift requires a dedication to the values of public service journalism—serving the general public curiosity quite than the pursuits of highly effective people or entities. By fostering a newsroom tradition that values reality, accountability, and independence, media organizations can start to rebuild the general public’s belief.

Ultimately, the trail ahead for the Gambian press would require a collective effort. Journalists, editors, media house owners, unions, regulatory our bodies, the federal government, and the general public all have a task to play in rebuilding belief. It is just by way of a shared dedication to the core values of transparency, independence, and accountability that the Gambian press can actually fulfill its function as a watchdog, holding energy to account and contributing to the event of a democratic society. The rise of unbiased on-line platforms, mixed with a renewed dedication to moral journalism, affords hope that The Gambia can foster a free and unbiased press—one able to serving the folks and strengthening the foundations of democracy.

Editor’s Note:

This is an abridged model of The Curtain Falls on the Press and Presidency Relationship—Barrow Goes Berserk by Arfang Madi Sillah. The textual content has been shortened to boost readability and conciseness. The paperback and hardcover editions will quickly be accessible in native shops, comparable to Timbuktu Books in The Gambia. Sillah’s incisive evaluation and compelling narrative fashion make this an immediate page-turner. His vivid portrayal of the tensions between the press and the presidency is each enlightening and fascinating, offering readers with a front-row seat to the unfolding political drama.